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Pottery Jar : Native American Acoma Pottery Jar, by Melissa Antonio #64

Native American Acoma Pottery Jar 64. Description: Native American , thin walled, hand coiled pottery jar with heart line bears around the rim and fine line body. Very good condition, has a few scuffs. 11-1/2" x 10-1/2". Melissa Antonio, member of the Red Corn Clan and the Sun Clan, was born into the Acoma Pueblo in 1965. She was raised in the traditional way and was taught to respect the Mother Earth, all its creatures, and the clay that it provides. She sparked an interest in becoming an artisan by observing her mother, Lillie Concho, at the age of 12. Lillie taught Melissa the process of gathering clay, preparing the clay, and making natural colors from other natural pigments which were gathered from within the Acoma Pueblo. By the time Melissa reached the age of 23, her skills had improved and her art reflected her experience as a fine artisan. Melissa specializes in hand coiling the traditional black on white eye dazzler patterns. Her pottery is all constructed by methods used by her ancestors. Melissa will accent her pottery by adding a kokopelli band down the side of her pottery on occasion. She signs her pottery as: M.C. Antonio, Acoma. Awards: -1992 New Mexico State Fair 1st & 2nd Place -1993 New Mexico State Fair 3rd Place -1994 New Mexico State Fair 1st place -Gallup Inter-Tribal Indian Ceremonies -1996 Eight Northern Pueblos Art Show 1st place -1997 New Mexico State Fair 2nd Place Publications: -Southwestern Pottery Anasazi to Zuni -Southern Pueblo Pottery 2,000 Artist Biographies (Source: Material-insight) A History of Pueblo Pottery: Pueblo pottery is made using a coiled technique that came into northern Arizona and New Mexico from the south, some 1500 years ago. In the four-corners region of the US, nineteen pueblos and villages have historically produced pottery. Although each of these pueblos use similar traditional methods of coiling, shaping, finishing and firing, the pottery from each is distinctive. Various clay's gathered from each pueblo's local sources produce pottery colors that range from buff to earthy yellows, oranges, and reds, as well as black. Fired pots are sometimes left plain and other times decorated most frequently with paint and occasionally with applique. Painted designs vary from pueblo to pueblo, yet share an ancient iconography based on abstract representations of clouds, rain, feathers, birds, plants, animals and other natural world features. Tempering materials and paints, also from natural sources, contribute further to the distinctiveness of each pueblo's pottery. Some paints are derived from plants, others from minerals. Before firing, potters in some pueblos apply a light colored slip to their pottery, which creates a bright background for painted designs or simply a lighter color plain ware vessel. Designs are painted on before firing, traditionally with a brush fashioned from yucca fiber. Different combinations of paint color, clay color, and slips are characteristic of different pueblos. Among them are black on cream, black on buff, black on red, dark brown and dark red on white (as found in Zuni pottery), matte red on red, and poly chrome a number of natural colors on one vessel (most typically associated with Hopi). Pueblo potters also produce un-decorated polished black ware, black on black ware, and carved red and carved black wares. Making pueblo pottery is a time-consuming effort that includes gathering and preparing the clay, building and shaping the coiled pot, gathering plants to make the colored dyes, constructing yucca brushes, and, often, making a clay slip. While some Pueblo artists fire in kilns, most still fire in the traditional way in an outside fire pit, covering their vessels with large potsherds and dried sheep dung. Pottery is left to bake for many hours, producing a high-fired result. Today, Pueblo potters continue to honor this centuries-old tradition of hand-coiled pottery production, yet value the need for contemporary artistic expression as well. They continue to improve their style, methods and designs, often combining traditional and contemporary techniques to create striking new works of art. (Source: Museum of Northern Arizona) ----------------View the other items in my shop: http://www.etsy.com/shop/CulturalPatina?ref=shopsection_shophome_leftnav Read more

  • USAPacific Northwest, USA
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Black on White Pottery : Very Nice anasazi Black on White Pottery Pitcher #285

Black on White Pottery 285. Description: Prehistoric poly chrome black-on-white pitcher. The pitcher measures approximately 5" tall x 5" diameter. Some wear and fading, minor chips, no cracks to speak of, overall good condition. Weighs about 1 pounds. The Anasazi ("Ancient Ones"), thought to be ancestors of the modern Pueblo Indians, inhabited the Four Corners country of southern Utah, southwestern Colorado, northwestern New Mexico, and northern Arizona from about A.D. 200 to A.D. 1300, leaving a heavy accumulation of house remains and debris. Recent research has traced the Anasazi to the "archaic" peoples who practiced a wandering, hunting, and food-gathering life-style from about 6000 B.C. until some of them began to develop into the distinctive Anasazi culture in the last millennium B.C. During the last two centuries B.C., the people began to supplement their food gathering with maize horticulture. By A.D. 1200 horticulture had assumed a significant role in the economy. Because their culture changed continually (and not always gradually), researchers have divided the occupation into periods, each with its characteristic complex of settlement and artifact styles. Since 1927 the most widely accepted nomenclature has been the "Pecos Classification," which is generally applicable to the whole Anasazi Southwest. Although originally intended to represent a series of developmental stages, rather than periods, the Pecos Classification has come to be used as a period sequence: Basket maker I: pre-1000 B.C. (an obsolete synonym for Archaic) Basket maker II: c. 1000 B.C. to A.D. 450 Basket maker III: c. A.D. 450 to 750 Pueblo I: c. A.D. 750 to 900 Pueblo II: c. A.D. 900 to 1150 Pueblo III: c. A.D. 1150 to 1300 Pueblo IV: c. A.D. 1300 to 1600 Pueblo V: c. A.D. 1600 to present (historic Pueblo) The last two periods are not important to this discussion, as the Pueblo peoples had left Utah by the end of the Pueblo III period. As the Anasazi settled into their village/farming lifestyle, recognizable regional variants or subcultures emerged, which can be usefully combined into two larger groups. The eastern branches of the Anasazi culture include the Mesa Verde Anasazi of southeastern Utah and southwestern Colorado, and the Chaco Anasazi of northwestern New Mexico. The western Anasazi include the Kayenta Anasazi of northeastern Arizona and the Virgin Anasazi of southwestern Utah and northwestern Arizona. To the north of the Anasazi peoples - north of the Colorado and Escalante rivers - Utah was the home of a heterogeneous group of small-village dwellers known collectively as the Fremont. Although they continued to move around in pursuit of seasonally available foods, the earliest Anasazi concentrated increasing amounts of effort on the growing of crops and the storage of surpluses. They made exquisite baskets and sandals, for which reason they have come to be known as "Basket makers." They stored their goods (and often their dead) in deep pits and circular cists - small pits often lined with upright stone slabs and roofed over with a platform of poles, twigs, grass, slabs or rocks, and mud. Basket maker II houses were somewhat more sturdy than those of their Archaic predecessors, being rather like a Paiute winter wickiup or a Navajo hogan. Very few have been excavated. By A.D. 500 the early Anasazi peoples had settled into the well-developed farming village cultural stage that we know as Basket maker III. Although they probably practiced some seasonal traveling and continued to make considerable use of wild resources, they primarily had become farmers living in small villages. Their houses were well-constructed pit structures, consisting of a hogan-like superstructure built over a knee-or waist-deep pit, often with a small second room or antechamber on the south or southeast side. Settlements of this time period are scattered widely over the canyons and mesas of southern Utah; they consist of small hamlets of one to three houses and occasionally villages of a dozen or more structures. By about A.D. 700 evidence of the development of politico-religious mechanisms of village organization and integration appears in the form of large, communal pit structures. One such structure, with a diameter of forty feet, has been excavated next to the old highway in Recapture Creek by archaeologists from Brigham Young University. Three important changes took place before A.D. 750: the old atlatl (spear thrower) that had been used to propel darts (small spears) from time immemorial was replaced by the bow and arrow; the bean was added to corn and squash to form a major supplement to the diet; and the people began to make pottery. By A.D. 600 the Anasazi were producing quantities of two types of pottery - gray utility ware and black-on-white painted ware. By A.D. 750 these farming and pottery-making people in their stable villages were on the threshold of the lifestyle that we think of as being typically Puebloan, and from this time on we call them Pueblos. Perhaps the most significant developments in Pueblo I times (A.D. 750 to 900) were 1) the replacement of pithouse habitations with large living rooms on the surface; 2) the development of a sophisticated ventilator-deflector system for ventilating pitrooms; 3) the growth of the San Juan redware pottery complex (red-on-orange, then black-on-orange, pottery manufactured in southeastern Utah); and 4) some major shifts in settlement distribution, with populations concentrating in certain areas while abandoning others. The two-hundred-fifty-year period subsequent to A.D. 900 is known as Pueblo II. The tendency toward aggregation evidenced in Pueblo I sites reversed itself in this period, as the people dispersed themselves widely over the land in thousands of small stone houses. During Pueblo II, good stone masonry replaced the pole-and-adobe architecture of Pueblo I, the surface rooms became year-round habitations, and the pithouses (now completely subterranean) probably assumed the largely ceremonial role of the pueblo kiva. It was during this period that small cliff granaries became popular. The house style known as the unit pueblo, which had its beginning during the previous period, became the universal settlement form during this period. In the unit pueblo the main house is a block of rectangular living and storage rooms located on the surface immediately north or northwest of an underground kiva; immediately southeast of this is a trash and ash dump or midden. The redware pottery industry continued to flourish, as a fine, red-slipped ware with black designs was traded throughout much of the Colorado Plateau. During the middle-to-late Pueblo II period, however, the redware tradition ended in the country north of the San Juan River, although it blossomed in the area south of the river. Virtually all of the red or orange pottery found in San Juan County sites postdating A.D. 1000 was made south of the San Juan River around Navajo Mountain in the Kayenta Anasazi country. The reasons for this shift are unknown, and the problem is a fascinating one. Production and refinement of the black-on-white and the gray (now decorated by indented corrugation) wares continued uninterrupted in both areas, but the redware tradition migrated across what appears to have been an ethnic boundary. The styles of stone artifacts also changed somewhat during Pueblo II. The beautiful barbed and tanged "Christmastree" style point that had been popular since late Basketmaker III times was replaced first by a corner-notched style with flaring stem and rounded base, then by a triangular style with side notches. Also, by the end of the period, the old trough-shaped metate that had been popular for half a millennium was replaced by a flat slab form with no raised sides. The change in grinding technology appears to have accompanied a change from a hard, shattering, flint type of corn to a soft, non-shattering flour corn. This permitted use of smaller metates, and thus also increased the efficient use of the floor space. During the 1100's and 1200's the Anasazi population began once again to aggregate into large villages. This period is known as Pueblo III, and it lasted until the final abandonment of the Four Corners country by the Anasazi during the late 1200s. Numerous small unit pueblos continued to be occupied during this period, but there was a tendency for them to become more massive and to enclose the kivas within the room block. A number of very large villages developed. It was during this period that most of the cliff villages such as the famous examples at Mesa Verde National Park and Navajo National Monument were built. During Pueblo III times the Mesa Verde Anasazi developed the thick-walled, highly polished, incredibly beautiful pottery known as Mesa Verde Black-on-White. They also continued to make corrugated gray pottery. Redwares, often with two- or three-color designs continued to be imported north of the river from the Kayenta country. Arrowheads continued in the triangular, side-notched form, but were often smaller than those of the previous period. Starting sometime after A.D. 1250 the Anasazi moved out of San Juan County, often walking away from their settlements as though they intended to return in a few minutes - or so it looks. Why did they leave behind their beautiful cooking pots and baskets? Perhaps because they had no means to transport them. When forced to migrate a long distance, it was more efficient to leave the bulky items and replace them after they reached their destination. We do know that they moved south. Classic late Mesa Verde-style settlements can still be recognized in New Mexico and Arizona, in high, defensible locations in areas where the local Anasazi sites look quite different. By A.D. 1400 almost all the Anasazi from throughout the Southwest had aggregated into large pueblos scattered through the drainages of the Little Colorado and Rio Grande rivers in Arizona and New Mexico. Their descendants are still there in the few surviving pueblos. Why did they leave? It is impossible to find a single cause that can explain it, but there appear to be several that contributed. First, the climate during the Pueblo III period was somewhat unstable with erratic rainfall patterns and periods of drought. This weather problem climaxed with a thirty-year drought starting about 1270 that coincided with a cooling trend that significantly shortened the growing season. Perhaps the expanding population had pressed the limits of the land's capacity to support the people so that they were unable to survive the climatic upheavals of the thirteenth century. Could they have been driven out by nomadic tribes, such as Utes or Navajos? There is no direct evidence that either group, or any other like them, was in the area that early. There is mounting evidence, however, that the Numic-speaking peoples, of whom the Utes and Paiutes are part, had spread northwestward out of southwestern Nevada and were in contact with the Pueblo-like peoples of western Utah by A.D. 1200. It is certainly possible that they were in San Juan County shortly after that. Ute and Paiute sites are very difficult to distinguish from Anasazi campsites, and we may not be recognizing them. Navajos were in northwestern New Mexico by 1500, but we do not know where they were before that. Perhaps the answer to the Anasazis' departure from Utah lies in a combination of the bad-climate and the arriving-nomads theories. Source: Winston Hurst, Utah History Encyclopedia See: J. Richard Ambler and Marc Gaede, The Anasazi (1977); and Linda S. Cordell, Prehistory of the Southwest (1984).Read more

  • USAPacific Northwest, USA
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Vintage Pottery Bowl : Very Nice Small Vintage Hopi Pottery Bowl #281 c.

Vintage Pottery Bowl Description: Hopi pottery vessel the small bowl measures 5.5" diameter. and 2.5" tall and is marked CE or CEZ over a line with no visible chips or cracks. Overall, in very good condition for its age and use. Pueblo pottery is made using a coiled technique that came into northern Arizona and New Mexico from the south, some 1500 years ago. In the four-corners region of the US, nineteen pueblos and villages have historically produced pottery. Although each of these pueblos use similar traditional methods of coiling, shaping, finishing and firing, the pottery from each is distinctive. Various clay's gathered from each pueblo's local sources produce pottery colors that range from buff to earthy yellows, oranges, and reds, as well as black. Fired pots are sometimes left plain and other times decorated most frequently with paint and occasionally with applique. Painted designs vary from pueblo to pueblo, yet share an ancient iconography based on abstract representations of clouds, rain, feathers, birds, plants, animals and other natural world features. Tempering materials and paints, also from natural sources, contribute further to the distinctiveness of each pueblo's pottery. Some paints are derived from plants, others from minerals. Before firing, potters in some pueblos apply a light colored slip to their pottery, which creates a bright background for painted designs or simply a lighter color plain ware vessel. Designs are painted on before firing, traditionally with a brush fashioned from yucca fiber. Different combinations of paint color, clay color, and slips are characteristic of different pueblos. Among them are black on cream, black on buff, black on red, dark brown and dark red on white (as found in Zuni pottery), matte red on red, and polychrome a number of natural colors on one vessel (most typically associated with Hopi). Pueblo potters also produce undecorated polished black ware, black on black ware, and carved red and carved black wares. Making pueblo pottery is a time-consuming effort that includes gathering and preparing the clay, building and shaping the coiled pot, gathering plants to make the colored dyes, constructing yucca brushes, and, often, making a clay slip. While some Pueblo artists fire in kilns, most still fire in the traditional way in an outside fire pit, covering their vessels with large potsherds and dried sheep dung. Pottery is left to bake for many hours, producing a high-fired result. Today, Pueblo potters continue to honor this centuries-old tradition of hand-coiled pottery production, yet value the need for contemporary artistic expression as well. They continue to improve their style, methods and designs, often combining traditional and contemporary techniques to create striking new works of art. (Source: Museum of Northern Arizona)Read more

  • USAPacific Northwest, USA
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Antique Silver Necklace : Incredible Rare Silver Vintage Miao Hmong Ceremonial Collar Necklace from the Mountainous Region of Tibet #429

Antique Silver Necklace 429.Incredible rare silver vintage Miao Hmong ceremonial collar necklace from Tibet. This necklace was used ceremonially, often for weddings and probably dates to the early 1950's. This piece was probably originally destined for France because the Miao silversmith‰۪s often melted French silver coins to make the necklaces or repair existing ones. It measures approximately 12" x 12" and is extremely heavy. The red stamp in the center of the bottom is the original Chinese custom stamp, allowing it out of the country into Tibet. Excellent condition for its age and journey through time. Comes with a stand. A real piece of stand alone art. Miao, mountain-dwelling peoples of China, Vietnam, Laos, Burma, and Thailand, who speak languages of the Hmong-Mien (Miao-Yao) family. Miao is the official Chinese term for four distinct groups of people who are only distantly related through language or culture: the Hmu people of southeast Guizhou, the Qo Xiong people of west Hunan, the A-Hmao people of Yunnan, and the Hmong people of Guizhou, Sichuan, Guangxi, and Yunnan (see China: People). There are some nine million Miao in China, of whom the Hmong constitute probably one-third, according to the French scholar Jacques Lemoine, writing in the Hmong Studies Journal in 2005. The Miao are related in language and some other cultural features to the Yao; among these peoples the two groups with the closest degree of relatedness are the Hmong (Miao) and the Iu Mien (Yao). (Source: Encyclopedia Britannica)Read more

  • USAPacific Northwest, USA
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Western Bronze Sculpture, by Renowned Western Artist Jeff Wolf, Entitled "Surround", Limited Edition, Cast To Order, 1 of 10, #1018

Western Bronzeby Renowned Western Artist Jeff Wolf, Entitled "Surround" Cast To Order, Limited Edition, Cast to Order, 1 of 10, #1018 Description: Western Bronze Sculpture, by Renowned Western Artist Jeff Wolf, Entitled "Surround":, Limited Edition, Cast To Order, 1 of 10, 

From childhood the American Indian has always fascinated me. They lived such a pure and free life. Their methods of hunting held a special fascination. I began to study all the different ways the Indian attained his food and came across the "surround". This seemed to be a very interesting and practical means of harvesting Bison meat. Later on, in my cowboy career, I managed a buffalo ranch in northwestern Colorado. It was here that I learned much more about the habits of the Bison, including how to stop a herd of running buffalo. If the Bison could be wrangled into milling in a circle, they could be kept circling for quite some time, or until they came to a stop.

It was about then, that I started dreaming about "The Surround”. That was sixteen years ago. Over this period, my "Surround" dream became a reoccurring event Eventually I could see every detail. One night during the dream a voice came and said it was time the story was told. Nine months after that, "The Surround" was completed.

The thought of cruelty, or brutal killing never crossed my mind. To the Indian there was no right or wrong in this either -- only the need to survive. The buffalo was simply given to the people by the Great Spirit, for their survival. What I focused on was the drama, bravery and skill as well as what it must have been like to be on the open plains facing a pray that was much stronger, faster, and often times more agile than the horses they were riding. The slightest mistake might mean injury or even death. 

In my dream, I pictured three Indians riding across the open plains in search of a small herd of buffalo feeding away from the main herd. When the right opportunity presented itself, the Indians started circling the herd until they had it running in a tight circle. As the animals milled in a state of panic, the hunters began their harvesting. They continued this till they had taken all that their band could use. Then the remainder of the herd was set free to rejoin the main herd.

This method of hunting proved to be one of the most successful, and least hazardous. Dimensions: 22” H x 46” Approximately 150 poundsCondition: Cast to Order: On all precast orders we ask for a deposit of 75%, this covers the molds and first casting. Precast orders are purchased before the sculpture has been molded and cast in bronze. This feature allows the client to get in on the ground floor of early edition numbers while saving a considerable amount over retail. Once the work is cast in bronze and is on the retail market the price does not decrease. On orders that need to be cast we require a 50% deposit with the remainder due upon completion of the piece. Shipping and insurance are the reprehensibility of the purchaser. Delivery is usually 8-10 weeks from time of order. Provenance: Jeff WolfBiography of Jeff Wolf and Achievements Follow:Persistence makes perfect: The trail to the top of the Western Art world is steep and narrow. It is littered with obstacles, beset with sheer drop-offs, and hindered by unexpected twists and turns. Sculptor Jeff Wolf has ridden that trail for more than twenty-five years and reached heights few artists attain. Along the way he has placed bronzes in prominent museums and permanent exhibits, in prestigious private collections, and on display in public venues. He has been bestowed with honors and awards, recognized in juried competitions, and called upon to teach and demonstrate. Jeff made—and continues—the journey on a mount called persistence. He has lived by the old cowboy maxim that it doesn’t matter how many times you get bucked off, but what counts is getting back on—brushing off adversity, dusting off disappointment, climbing back in the saddle and continuing the journey. While the ride can be a lonely one, it is not a ride Jeff makes alone. Riding with him along the way are talent and skill, creativity and vision, experience and expertise. And, of course, persistence—keeping ever after the quest to not only depict the West in art, but to capture the emotion, the motivation, the underlying aesthetics of ordinary life and extraordinary events. Saddling up; The importance of persistence was instilled in Jeff at an early age. Jeff excelled in everything he put his mind to except school. Dyslexia—virtually undiscovered at the time—made reading nearly impossible. But that didn’t stop him from graduating from high school and attending three years of college on scholarships, and eventually teaching himself to read. In high school, Jeff became a champion livestock judge and earned a silver medal at the National FFA convention, earning what was at the time the highest score ever recorded—98 out of 100—in the cattle grading division. He was also a Champion rodeo cowboy in High School, college, and a top competitor in professional rodeo, competed mainly in the bareback and bull riding events, as well as saddle bronc riding, team roping, and steer wrestling. Through it all, art sustained him. From an early age he was compelled to create. “My gift chose me, I didn’t choose it,” he says. Jeff’s story as a sculptor started at age five when he received modeling clay for Christmas. His hands and heart went to work to mold into the clay the world he saw around him. An early work, a buffalo carved from a bar of soap, earned his first recognition when published in the pages of Western Horseman magazine. With a constant driving force from within, combined with a wild imagination and insatiable desire to learn and discover, Jeff’s childhood and youth would inform his art. Along with his gift of creation he was given, in his words, “a great gift of upbringing.” Raised on a ranch in the mouth of Goshen Canyon, located south of Utah Lake, he had both the opportunities and responsibilities of any ranch kid. “I lived among the local wildlife, learned the art of handling cattle and horses, and had the fortunate opportunity to listen to the stories of real old-time cowboys, memories of which remain ingrained in my mind.” Adding to the fascination, Wolf says, was “spending most of my days, when not working on the ranch, running wild and free in the mountains, along the creeks, building hideouts, and watching wildlife or hunting.”Even anatomy lessons were in the offing. Jeff’s grandfather owned and operated a small meat packing company, which gave Jeff the opportunity to see firsthand animal anatomy from the inside out. “Grandpa used to take the front or rear leg of a beef carcass and move it as if it were walking and explain how each muscle and every bone made that movement possible.” This led Jeff to study every movement a person or animal made, trying to decipher the bones and muscles working to make that movement possible. “I developed the habit when riding for cows to ride behind another rider and watch the horse and rider as they moved as one in harmony. A nice moving horse and a true horseman is a symphony of visual music.” This curiosity and fascination with anatomy turned Jeff into a recognized master of capturing motion in sculpture. And there were other lessons to learn: Jeff says, “I know firsthand what it feels like to climb down onto the back of a bull or bucking horse, know the rush adrenaline and the explosion from the chute. I know what it’s like to sit for hour watching mule deer feed, coming so close that I could feel their breath on my hand. I have experienced the fear and drama of a stampede. And I have lived in the wild, providing for myself among the ghosts of Indians.”From his father, Jeff learned the ways of cattle and horses. “I remember one experience as if it were today,” he says. “Dad and I rode up on a cow and calf who hadn’t seen a human being all summer. She was one of those who enjoyed hiding out in country where she wasn’t easy to find. We saw each other at about the same time. Her head came up and her ears came forward, moving back and forth determining which route to take for escape. Dad said, ‘Let’s just let her look at us for a while.’ As we sat there, he explained every thought that was running through that cow’s mind by the way she her ears worked back and forth, the short, soft mooing sounds she made to her calf, her posture, and the way she looked away then back at us. “Then Dad and I rode closer, stopping every few feet so as not to pose a threat, and from a direction that would move her in the intended direction. All this, to avoid a wild chase and the possibility of losing her altogether. Within half an hour we, the cow, and the calf walked off the mountain and into the holding pasture any mishap. These are the kinds of things that have the greatest impact on my work today.”Riding out:Throughout childhood and youth, Jeff’s gift refuse to let him rest. He had to constantly be creating something. Persistence kept him sculpting, even as other interests competed for time and attention. “I didn’t sculpt a lot some years but I did keep after it. I seemed to know from my earliest years that sculpting would be my ultimate life and livelihood and I was in no hurry to get there. I was having too much fun experiencing life.” After retiring from professional rodeo, Jeff’s desire to sculpt gradually increased, fed by those very experiences. “If I haven’t personally lived the scene, I imagine myself in the time, place, and moment and visualize what it would have been like to actually be a participant. This might involve hours of research until that image or scene is fully and clearly formed in my mind. The concept then become like a photograph imprinted in my consciousness, becomes a vivid image and begs to be given life.”But three-dimensional photographic-type depictions of those scenes is not what Jeff strives for in his art. “For me,” Jeff says, “art goes far beyond mere depiction or precise rendering. I feel that true art should tell a story, put you in a place or a moment in time that stimulates the imagination and arouses the soul. It’s not about the subject matter, concept, or idea; it’s about discovery and stretching the boundaries of creativity. I strive to sculpt an experience. This is what makes me tick. Discovering how mass and negative space can be used and manipulated to become a vital part of the design. Using mirroring, and mimicking shapes to keep the eye roving around the subject to tell a story. Years of devotion to the study of art principles, combined with the determination to produce works that are worthy of the title of fine art is the motivational drive behind my work. That’s is the visual tune I dance to.” It’s not an easy dance to learn. It takes passion. Perseverance. And persistence. But those qualities, combined with an imaginative and creative mind pay off for Jeff. Then, it’s time for the work of the mind and heart to guide the hands of the sculptor. “Once the physical work begins, the piece often times takes on its own personality. I then become merely the tool that gives life to the dictation of the piece. Those times produce my finest works.“Finding ways to create the illusion of life in something like wet hair, rushing water, speed of movement, drama of action, sheer fabric flowing around the beauty of the female figure, wind whipping a mane of a stallion, or a reflection in water in a bas relief is the stimulation behind my work,” Jeff says. “I work to compose the design so that every aspect has purpose. Every line leads to another, every plane reflects light or casts a shadow for depth and dimension.Balance points create harmony and mass builds strength and stability to create a realistic illusion of movement. The synergy of opposing forces coming together and pulling apart allows me to create a greater effect, a stronger vision. My feeling is that every work I create has its own distinct personality and character. Therefore, it requires its own texture or multiple textures unique to itself as well as the composition and design that best reflects the story that is being presented.“A well-rendered pair of wrinkled and cracked work boots with worn soles and tattered laces, lying side by side as if just taken off the tired feet of the owner or even discarded will form a picture in the viewer’s mind. Some may see only a pair of boots. But others will see the life of the man who wore them— tired and wrinkled like the boots, exhausted from a hard day's labor and glad to get those old boots off his feet. Some may see dad or grandpa. Some may see a farmer plowing a field behind two mules. It really doesn’t matter what the viewer envisions, it’s the fact that a vision has been created. That is what I strive for in every work I create.”Riding on: And so Jeff Wolf went to work. And he worked. Then worked some more to blaze his own trail to the artistic heights. Making the climb, and maintaining the heights requires persistence. Over time, collectors become familiar with an artist’s background and reputation. But reputation only goes so far. If the work isn’t up to snuff, one can never expect to create or maintain demand with an inferior product. But Jeff’s persistence paid off. In 1990, art collector Ann Heckbert discovered Jeff’s sculpture at an art show in Steamboat Springs, Colorado. Ann and her husband Jim, owner of Garret Gallery, approached Jeff about showing his work. By 1991, Jeff’s life as a professional sculptor was underway and has earned been his livelihood ever since. Jeff credits Jim and Ann for launching a career that has earned him a reputation as one of the finest western sculptors of our time.Jeff’s first national juried show, the George Phippen Memorial Art Show in Prescott, Arizona, earned the artist the three highest awards: Best of Show, Best in Category and People’s Choice. He has won or placed in practically every juried art show he has participated in since, and may be the only living sculptor to have won Best of Show and People’s Choice awards in six genres of Western art: Wildlife, Figural, Rodeo, Equine, Western, and Native American. Finally, while Jeff is well aware that gifts such as his are given to individuals, the trail to success isn’t one you ride alone. Persistence is often aided by the encouragement and assistance of others. He says, “The journey to the top would have been impossible if it weren’t for the help and support of family, friends, my collectors, admirers and especially my wife Jennifer.” Jeff also believes gifts are to be shared. So he now shares his talents and knowledge with fellow artists, students of the arts, and charitable foundations. He teaches workshops, lectures at schools, and sculpts at public events. Donations of time, talent, and art have generated over one million dollars for charitable causes.God-given talent, real life experience, insatiable desire to be the best, and persistence have immortally molded and cast forever the name Jeff Wolf into the world of Western art and sculpture. The portfolio of Jeff Wolf’s work is extensive, and his name is tied to some of the most prestigious collections, galleries, and museums. Persistence has placed his art in national and international collections including: • Simons Collection, Cayman Islands • Ryder Collection, Ryder Trucking• Renn and Marie Zaphiropoulos Collection (inventor of the color tube for television and, later, the developer of laser printing)• Meredith Hodges Collection and National Mule Museum, Loveland, Colorado• Mr. and Mrs. Robert Henderson• Jim Terry (former CEO of Coca-Cola)• Jack Williams (former president of Royal Caribbean Cruise Lines)• Elton Salinas (owner of Elton’s Clothier, Las Vegas, Nevada) • Richard and Carole Kreamer (Board of Directors, American Airlines)• David and Pam Furr (Gaston Law)• Jim and Ann Heckbert (Burg Simpson Law & Humble Ranch)• Steve and Mary Kay Larsen• Lori Wilkinson (Brown & Brown Insurance of Nevada, Waymark Insurance Services)• Richard Sanders (president of Kobalt Music Group)• Buck Taylor (artist and actor) • Jane Blalock (Hall of Fame Golfer)• Jim Palmer (Hall of Fame Baseball Player)Jeff has filled commissions for sculpture for:• Coca-Cola• Susan G. Koman Foundation• T.A.P.S. Foundation• Habitat for Humanity• American Lung Association• National Retriever Club and National Amateur Retriever Club• American Airlines• Cystic Fibrosis Foundation• American Bucking Bull, Inc.• Cistercian Preparatory School Hillary award• Rodeo Champions monument, Gooding ID• And several cities, corporate executives, farmers, ranchers, sportsmen, families, and friends. Jeff’s talent has introduced him to an array of TV, movie, and sports celebrities, including: • Kimberlin Brown• Dylan Bruno• Gordon Clapp• Lenny Clarke• Jeff Dunham,• Grant Goodeve• Chris Harrison• Dennis Haskins• Sandra Hess• Brad Johnson• Wendie Malick, • Ron Masak, • Marc McClure• Rob Moran• Eloise Mumford• Eric Christian Olsen• Jason Priestly• Perrey Reeves• James Sikking,• Buck Taylor• Steve Thomas• Michael Trucco.• John York• Ian ZieringSports champions, including: • Matt Bahr• Jane Blalock• Larry Brown• Brant Boyer• Scott Hamilton• Billy Kidd• Jim Lonborg• Chris McCarron• Jay Miller• Jim Palmer• Gale Sayers• Wayne WongAnd, of course, a host of rodeo champions, cowboys, ranchers, artists working in all mediums, and great people from all walks of life. Other honors include:• Selected as the sculptor at the 2000 Super Bowl for the Larry Brown Foundation. • Featured artist at the Days of ‘47 Utah Heritage Art Show, 2000• Commissioned to sculpt the six-time Labrador Retriever field trial champion and the Female Labrador Retriever Field Trials World Champion, owned by Fred Kampo, Oshkosh, Wisconsin • Designed and sculpted many awards, personal tributes, and memorials such as the Huntsville Town Veterans Memorial Monument. • Honored as one of Utah’s Most Fabulous People by Utah Valley magazine, 2012 He has also been featured in a host of magazines, such as:• Cowboy Magazine• Ranch & Reata• Range Magazine• Rodeo News• Western Horseman• Western Writers of America Roundup Magazine• Saddlebag DispatchesFootnote:I am frequently ask the question as to where I get my inspiration. My inspiration is drawn from a number things, My girls, parents, family, grand kids, friends, animals, other artists, the great outdoors, life experiences and stories I’ve heard just to name a few. Rather than creating just a well done work of art, I want my work to tell a story, something people can relate to. Things that inspire, evoke emotion, and arouse the imagination, I want my work to mean something, something that can be talked about and shared. I like my work to also be educational, whether it is from an artistic, anatomy, historical or human interest aspect. I strive to encompass and portray the emotions, feeling and expressions in every work I create.Read more

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Western Artist, Ron Stewart Oil Painting, "In The Morning Glow",#776

Western ArtistRon Stewart776. Description: Western Artist, Ron Stewart (Arizona Born 1941), Oil Painting titled ''In The Morning Glow'', This is an extraordinary painting and speaks volumes of what an Indian camp may have been like in the past, in the wee hours of the morning. Dimensions: Sight 32 x 40 inches, Overall 47 x 55 inchesCondition: Excellent conditionProvenance: From Ron Stewart GallerySome background on Ron and his monumental paintings:A note from Sharon, Ron's wife on the subject: "Ron has done a lot of larger paintings. Sometimes they are commissions, or galleries request a large piece for their bigger walls, and sometimes he just feels like a challenged! He has done 4 ft by 10 ft, stagecoach paintings, and 6 ft by 4 ft commissions, and 3 ft X 8 ft, and he has done a 40 ft X 60 ft for a Scottsdale Ins. Co. Many, Many through the years. (In fact we have a 40 ft X 60 ft painting of a stagecoach with the Superstitions in the background, and a flock of quail in the fore ground. It hangs in Ron's studio on a very large wall with skins and artifacts around it. (It's awesome I think, but I'm prejudice!)"Ron had the following to say about the piece: "Morning Glow" is a Blackfeet Village with Braves who have returned with stolen ponies from a raid against the Crow Indians. Watering them in the morning light, and recounting their prowess at stealing fine ponies and at their status among the tribe. Most stolen ponies were distributed among tribal members to further enhance their place in the tribe. The figures and horses were from the Artist Shoot in South Dakota, and the figures adapted from Sioux Indians that modeled for me there. (Blackfoot & Sioux were enemies so did not tell them at the time that they would be Blackfoot!) Tepees are from my reference from the Black Powder Rendevous's from Montana and Wyoming back in the 70's."---------Additional Ron Stewart Paintings can be found at:https://www.etsy.com/your/shops/CulturalPatina/sections/16492699 and his Bronze work can be found at:https://www.etsy.com/your/shops/CulturalPatina/sections/16131018-----------Ron Stewart is a painter and sculptor of western, historical, wildlife, and animal subjects. He was born in Brooklyn, NY.In the over-crowded field of contemporary western artists, Ron Stewart’s professional achievements have made his work familiar to a wide range of discriminating collectors. Ron is among those who is tied hard and fast to the quality of painting and the historical fidelity of the Old West Masters. The refined artistic abilities, in watercolor, oil, and bronze, are truly distinguished, but Ron brings more to his work than just the technical competence of a western illustrator.The Ron Stewart hallmark is the representation of the mood and the atmosphere appropriate to whatever he approaches. His paintings breathe life into the dusty pages of western history, be it the bawl of longhorn cattle, the war whoop of the red men, or the mountain man in his wilderness solitude. Ron has received awards multiple times at the competitive Death Valley Invitational (5), the George Phippen Memorial (3), and Best of Show, and Best Watercolor at the Pikes Peak National Invitational Show (2), and he also received numerous awards at the Western Artist of America, including three gold medals in Watercolor, two Silver medals in Watercolor, and one Silver medal in Oil, and one Silver medal in Bronze.His work can be seen at Mountain Trail Galleries in Jackson, Wyoming; Signature Gallery, Scottsdale, Arizona, and Santa Fe, NM; Long coat Gallery, Ruidoso, NM; Sanders Gallery, Tucson, AZ; and the Culturalpatina Gallery in Fairfax, VA, which has the largest collection of his work in the world. His life was chronicled in Artists of the Rockies and the Golden West in winter of 1979, Ron and his wife Sharon have resided in Arizona for the last 45 years.Stewart has exhibited throughout the West in juried and group shows, collecting a variety of top awards for his works, including numerous gold and silver medals in oil, watercolor, bronze and drawing. International collections include locations in England, France, Germany, Italy, Denmark, Spain, the Philippines, and Japan. -----------------View the other items in my shop: http://www.etsy.com/shop/CulturalPatina?ref=shopsection_shophome_leftnavDescription:Read more

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Festival Jewelry : Vintage Konyak, "Kuntepsu" Festival Circular Bead Necklace from Nagaland, North East India #543

Festival Jewelry Vintage Konyak "Kuntepsu" Festive Circular Bead Necklace 543. Vintage Konyak "Kuntepsu" Festival Circular Bead Necklace from Nagaland, NE India. Special festival chief's clan necklace of red, cobalt, white and other assorted glass beads. Beads were probably acquired in trade, from Europe and India, from Late 19th to mid 20th century. Provenance: A couple in London, England who received this piece as a wedding gift from highly placed members of the Brides family in Nagaland where they were married many years ago. The piece is 12" long. The beads that normally cover the back part of the piece have been lost, leaving the wrapping vissible on the necklace. Other than this the piece is in fair condition for its age. The Konyak are a Naga people, and are recognized among other Naga by their tattoos, which they have all over their face and hands; facial tattoos were earned for taking an enemy's head. They are called the land of Angh's. They have the largest population among the Nagas. The Konyaks can be found in Myanmar, in the Tirap and Changlang districts of Arunachal, and in the Mon district of Nagaland, India. They are known in Arunachal as Wancho Konyak. The Konyak language belongs to the Northern Naga subbranch of the Sal subfamily of Sino-Tibetan. Known as head hunters of North East India. In the recent past, they were known as war loving and often attacked nearby villages of other tribes taking the heads of opposing warriors as trophies to hang in the Morong (a communal house). The number of heads indicated the power of a warrior and the tribe and becomes a collective totem. With the exception of these behaviors, the tribal members maintain a much disciplined community life with strict duties and responsibilities for every individual. Nagaland has a rich diversity of ethnic groups, languages and religions. More than 80% of the population lives in small, isolated villages and practice their own rituals and traditions that have been existing since centuries. The Nagas are said to belong to the Indo-Mongoloid stock, a race whose presence was first noted ten centuries before Christ, at the time of the compilation of the Vedas. The Nagas are mostly Christians. Naga Features: The Nagas are usually medium sized. The nose is flat, eyes curved, complexion fair, and hair straight. Men are muscular and women are usually short. One unique feature of the Nagas is that they wear conical red headgear decorated with wild boar canine teeth and white black Hornbill feathers, the spear with the shaft decorated with red black hairs and the unique dao with broad blade and long handle. Both men and women wear traditional Naga jewellery. Naga shawls are very famous among the tribes. Tattooing is customary among the tribes. Nagaland Culture The tribes of Nagaland are unique in their culture and traditions. The tribes are excellent and skilled craftsmen. Naga tribes are known for being hard working and laborious. They are known for making exquisite bamboo and cane products, weaving and wood carving. The Nagas are expert in basketry, weaving, woodcarving, pottery and metal work. Agriculture is the main occupation of the people. Rice, millet and Taro potato are grown by the people. The tribes of Nagaland are very fond of dance and music. Music forms an essential parts of their lives. There are different traditional dances and music of the different tribes. The music of is characterized by folk songs and music accentuated by traditional instruments. People of Nagaland are also famous for celebrating numerous seasonal fairs and festivals. All the tribes celebrate their own distinct festivals with dance and music. The most important festivals celebrated by the tribes include Sekrenyi, Moatsu Mong, Suhkruhnye, Bushu, Yemshe, and Metumniu among others. The food of the Naga tribe consist of rice, millet, vegetables, fish, meat, Naga chilly and chutney. Nagaland Village System: The tribes live mainly in villages. For the Nagas family is the most important institution. Women are treated equally with men. Nagas are traditionally and tribally organized with a strong warrior tradition. Head hunting is an important aspect of the people. Most of the houses of the Nagas have skull displaying their warrior qualities. Different Tribes of Nagaland: Nagaland is home to some 16 different kinds of tribes with distinct and fascinating cultures. Each of the Naga tribe is divided into as many as twenty clans. The Nagas speak 60 different dialects. The prominent tribes are Angami, Ao, Chakhesang, Chang, Khiamniungan, Konyak, Lotha, Pochury, Phom, Poumai, Rongmei Naga, Rengma, Sangtam, Sema, Mao and Zeliang among many others. The languages of the Nagas may vary from Angami-Pochury, Ao, Kukish, Sal, Tangkhul and Zeme branches of Tibeto Burman. Some important tribes are: Angami Naga: The Angami Nagas are one of the major tribes of Nagaland. The Angamis mainly celebrate the Sekrenyi festival. They are basically hill people and depend on agriculture for their mode of livelihood. 98 % of the Angamis are Christians. Ao Naga: Ao Nagas are another major tribes in Nagaland. They reside mainly in Tsula to Tsurang in Mokokchung district. The Ao Nagas are known for the celebration of different harvest festivals. The Aos are primarily Christians. Chang: Changs are one of the recognized Scheduled Tribes in India. The traditional territory of the Chang lies in the Central Tuensang district. About 99 % of the Changs are Christians. They speak the Chang language and the Chang people are very fond of music and dance. They celebrate Christmas, Naknyu Lem, Poang Lem, Jeinyu Leam and so many other festivals with fanfare and gaiety. Konyak: Konyak have the largest populations among the Nagas. They are found in the Mon district of Nagaland. They are famous for their tattoos all over their faces and hands. Lotha: Lotha is also a major Naga tribe and reside in the Wokha district. They are popular for traditional dance and folk songs. Sumi: Sumi Nagas are one of the major Naga tribes. They mainly inhabit in the Zunheboto district. 99 % of the Sumis are Christians. Tuluni and Ahuna are the most important festivals of the Sumis. Yimchunger: Yimchunger is a minor Naga group. Metmneo festival is celebrated by the Yimchunge people. Khiamniungan: Khiamniungan is comparatively a minor Naga group. They mainly reside in the Tuensang district in Nagaland. Miu festival and Tsokum festival are the most important festivals celebrated by this tribal group. (Source: India on line) Tangkhul: Tangkhul is a Naga tribe living in the Indo-Burma border area occupying the Ukhrul district in Manipur, India and the Somra Tangkhul hills (Somra tract) in Upper Burma. Despite this international border, many Tangkhul have continued to regard themselves as "one nation".[1] Further reading Stirn, Aglaja & Peter van Ham. The Hidden world of the Naga: Living Traditions in Northeast India. London: Prestel. Oppitz, Michael, Thomas Kaiser, Alban von Stockhausen & Marion Wettstein. 2008. Naga Identities: Changing Local Cultures in the Northeast of India. Gent: Snoeck Publishers. Kunz, Richard & Vibha Joshi. 2008. Naga A Forgotten Mountain Region Rediscovered. Basel: Merian. Alban von Stockhausen: Imag (in) ing the Nagas: The Pictorial Ethnography of Hans-Eberhard Kauffmann and Christoph von FÌ_rer-Haimendorf. Arnoldsche, Stuttgart 2014, ISBN 978-3-89790-412-5.(Source: Times of India)Read more

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Hopi Pottery, Native American Pottery by Helen Naha, Feather Woman, Eagle Tail Pattern-#679

Native American Hopi Pottery 679. Description: Native American, Hopi pottery by Helen Naha Feather Woman with Eagle tail pattern. Condition: Excellent for age and use. Dimension: 6" x 7.5". ----------- Find more pottery from the American Southwest here: http://www.etsy.com/shop/CulturalPatina?section_id=15777760&ref=shopsection_leftnav_1 ----------- The Artist: Helen Naha (1922-1993) was the matriarch in a family of well known Hopi potters. She was the daughter-in-law of Paqua Naha (the first Frog Woman). Helen was married to Paqua's son Archie. She was mostly self-taught, following the style of her mother-in-law and sister-in-lawJoy Navasie (second Frog Woman). Her designs are often based on fragments found at the Awatovi ruins near Hopi. Her hallmark style was finely polished, hand-coiled pottery finished in white slip with black and red decorations. She would often take the extra step to polish the inside of a piece as well as the outside. She signed her pottery with a feather glyph (shown in inset). This resulted in her being called Feather Woman by many collectors. Both of her daughters, Sylvia and Rainy (Rainell), as well as her granddaughter Tyra Naha are well known potters. Today, her medium to larger pots typically sell for several thousand dollars. She has been recognized by the Southwestern Association for Indian Arts for her body of work through the creation of the Helen Naha Memorial Award - For Excellence in Traditional Hopi Pottery. Naha was a member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.[1] References ‰ۢ Oman, Richard G. (1992), "Artists, Visual", in Ludlow, Daniel H, Encyclopedia of Mormonism, New York: Macmillan Publishing, pp. 70-73, ISBN 0-02-879602-0, OCLC 24502140 ‰ۢ Dillingham, Rick. Fourteen Families in Pueblo Pottery. Foreword by J. J. Brody. University of New Mexico Press, (reprint edition) 1994. ISBN 0-8263-1499-6 ‰ۢ Graves, Laura. Thomas Varker Keam, Indian Trader. University of Oklahoma Press, 1998. ISBN 0-8061-3013-X ‰ۢ Pecina, Ron. Hopi Kachinas: History, Legends, and Art. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 2013. ISBN 978-0-7643-4429-9 Pp. 163-166. ‰ۢ Schaaf, Gregory. Hopi-Tewa Pottery, 500 Artist Biographies. Edited by Richard M. Howard, CIAC Press, Santa Fe, New Mexico, ISBN 0-9666948-0-5 ‰ۢ Source: Wikipedia A History of Pueblo Pottery: Pueblo pottery is made using a coiled technique that came into northern Arizona and New Mexico from the south, some 1500 years ago. In the four-corners region of the US, nineteen pueblos and villages have historically produced pottery. Although each of these pueblos use similar traditional methods of coiling, shaping, finishing and firing, the pottery from each is distinctive. Various clay's gathered from each pueblo's local sources produce pottery colors that range from buff to earthy yellows, oranges, and reds, as well as black. Fired pots are sometimes left plain and other times decorated most frequently with paint and occasionally with applique. Painted designs vary from pueblo to pueblo, yet share an ancient iconography based on abstract representations of clouds, rain, feathers, birds, plants, animals and other natural world features. Tempering materials and paints, also from natural sources, contribute further to the distinctiveness of each pueblo's pottery. Some paints are derived from plants, others from minerals. Before firing, potters in some pueblos apply a light colored slip to their pottery, which creates a bright background for painted designs or simply a lighter color plain ware vessel. Designs are painted on before firing, traditionally with a brush fashioned from yucca fiber. Different combinations of paint color, clay color, and slips are characteristic of different pueblos. Among them are black on cream, black on buff, black on red, dark brown and dark red on white (as found in Zuni pottery), matte red on red, and poly chrome a number of natural colors on one vessel (most typically associated with Hopi). Pueblo potters also produce un-decorated polished black ware, black on black ware, and carved red and carved black wares. Making pueblo pottery is a time-consuming effort that includes gathering and preparing the clay, building and shaping the coiled pot, gathering plants to make the colored dyes, constructing yucca brushes, and, often, making a clay slip. While some Pueblo artists fire in kilns, most still fire in the traditional way in an outside fire pit, covering their vessels with large potsherds and dried sheep dung. Pottery is left to bake for many hours, producing a high-fired result. Today, Pueblo potters continue to honor this centuries-old tradition of hand-coiled pottery production, yet value the need for contemporary artistic expression as well. They continue to improve their style, methods and designs, often combining traditional and contemporary techniques to create striking new works of art. (Source: Museum of Northern Arizona) ----------------View the other items in my shop: http://www.etsy.com/shop/CulturalPatina?ref=shopsection_shophome_leftnav Read more

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Pottery Pitcher : Very Nice Pre-Columbian Chimu Effigy Pottery Pitcher From Peru #366 SOLD

Pottery Pitcher 366. Description: Pre-Columbian Chimu Effigy Pitcher. Size is approximately 7" wide x 5" tall. Some chipping around rim, but other than this, it is in very good condition. All items are unconditionally guaranteed to be Authentic as described. For added security we offer a full money-back guarantee if a recognized authority disputes the authenticity of any object sold. The Chim̼u were the residents of Chimor, with its capital at the city of Chan Chan, a large adobe city in the Moche Valley of present-day Trujillo city. The culture arose about 900 AD. The Inca ruler Tupac Inca Yupanqui led a campaign which conquered the Chim̼u around 1470 AD.[2] This was just fifty years before the arrival of the Spanish in the region. Consequently, Spanish chroniclers were able to record accounts of Chim̼u culture from individuals who had lived before the Inca conquest. Similarly, Archaeological evidence suggest Chimor grew out of the remnants of Moche culture; early Chim̼u pottery had some resemblance to that of the Moche. Their ceramics are all black, and their work in precious metals is very detailed and intricate. The Chim̼u resided on the north coast of Peru: "It consists of a narrow strip of desert, 20 to 100 miles wide, between the Pacific and the western slopes of the Andes, crossed here and there by short rivers which start in the rainier mountains and provide a series of green and fertile oases." [3] The valley plains are very flat and well-suited to irrigation, which is probably as old as agriculture here. Fishing was also very important and was almost considered as important as agriculture.[3] The Chim̼u were known to have worshiped the moon, unlike the Inca, who worshiped the sun. The Chimu viewed the sun as a destroyer. This is likely due to the harshness of the sun in their desert environment. Offerings played an important role in religious rites. A common object for offerings, as well as one used by artisans, was the shell of the Spondylus shellfish, which live only in the warm coastal waters off present-day Ecuador. It was associated with the sea, rainfall, and fertility. Spondylus shells were also highly valued and traded by the Chim̼u.[4] The Chim̼ are best known for their distinctive monochromatic pottery and fine metal working of copper, gold, silver, bronze, and tumbaga (copper and gold). The pottery is often in the shape of a creature, or has a human figure sitting or standing on a cuboid bottle. The shiny black finish of most Chim̼ pottery was achieved by firing the pottery at high temperatures in a closed kiln, which prevented oxygen from reacting with the clay. Early Chim̼ (Moche Civilization): The oldest civilization present on the north coast of Peru is Early Chim̼. Early Chim̼ is also known as the Moche or Mochica civilization. The start of this Early Chim̼u time period is not known (although it was BC), but it ends around 500 A.D. It was centered in the Chicama, Moche, and Viru valleys. "Many large pyramids are attributed to the Early Chim̼ period." (37)[5] These pyramids are built of adobe in rectangular shapes made from molds. "Early Chim̼u cemeteries are also found without pyramid associations. Burials are usually in extended positions, in prepared tombs. The rectangular, adobe-lined and covered tombs have niches in their walls in which bowls were placed." (39)[5] The Early pottery is also characterized by realistic modeling and painted scenes.[5] Expansion and rule: Expansion: The mature Chim̼u culture developed in roughly the same territory where the Mochica had existed centuries before. The Chim̼u was also a coastal culture. It was developed in the Moche Valley south of present-day Lima, northeast of Huarmey, and finishing in central present-day Trujillo. Later it expanded to Arequipa. The Chim̼u appeared in the year 900 A.D: "The City of Chimor was at the great site now called Chanchan, between Trujilo and the sea, and we may assume that Taycanamo founded his kingdom there. His son, Guacri-caur, conquered the lower part of the valley and was succeeded by a son named Nancen-pinco who really laid the foundations of the Kingdom by conquering the head of the valley of Chimor and the neighboring valleys of Sana, Pacasmayo, Chicama, Viru, Chao and Santa." (39)[3] The estimated founding date of the Chim̼u Kingdom is in the first half of the 14th century. Nacen-pinco was believed to have ruled around 1370 CE and was followed by seven rulers whose names are not yet known. Minchancaman followed these rulers, and was ruling around the time of the Inca conquest (between 1462 and 1470).[3] This great expansion is believed to have occurred during the late period of Chim̼u civilization, called: Late Chim̼u,[6] but the development of the Chim̼u territory spanned a number of phases and more than a single generation. Nacen-pinco, "may have pushed the imperial frontiers to Jequetepeque and to Santa, but conquest of the entire region was an agglutinative process initiated by earlier rulers." (17)[7] The Chim̼ expanded to include a vast area and many different ethnic groups. At its peak, the Chim̼ advanced to the limits of the desert coast, to the Jequetepeque Valley in the north, and Carabayallo in the south. Their expansion southward was stopped by the military power of the great valley of Lima. Historians and archaeologists contest how far south they managed to expand.[3] Rule: The Chim̼u society was a four-level hierarchical system,[8] with a powerful elite rule over administrative centers. The hierarchy was centered at the walled cities, called ciudadelas, at Chan Chan.[9] The political power at Chan Chan is demonstrated by the organization of labor to construct the Chim̼'s canals and irrigated fields. Chan Chan was the top of the Chimu hierarchy, with FarfÌÁn in the Jequetepeque Valley as a subordinate.[8] This organization, which was quickly established during the conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley, suggests the Chim̼ established the hierarchy during the early stages of their expansion. The existing elite at peripheral locations, such as the Jequetepeque Valley and other centers of power, were incorporated into the Chim̼ government on lower levels of the hierarchy.[9] These lower-order centers managed land, water, and labor, while the higher-order centers either moved the resources to Chan Chan or carried out other administrative decisions.[9] Rural sites were used as engineering headquarters, while the canals were being built; later they operated as maintenance sites.[10] The numerous broken bowls found at Quebrada Del Oso support this theory, as the bowls were probably used to feed the large workforce that built and maintained that section of canal. The workers were probably fed and housed at state expense.[10] The state governed such social classes until imperial Sican conquered the kingdom of Lambayeque. The legends of war were said to have been told by the leaders Naylamp in the Sican language and Tacayanamo in Chim̼u. The people paid tribute to the rulers with products or labor. By 1470, the Incas from Cuzco defeated the Chim̼u. They moved Minchancaman to Cuzco, and redirected gold and silver there to adorn the Temple of the Sun. Economy: Chan Chan could be said to have developed a bureaucracy due to the elite's controlled access to information.[11] The economic and social system operated through the import of raw materials, where they were processed into prestige goods by artisans at Chan Chan.[8] The elite at Chan Chan made the decisions on most other matters concerning organization, monopolizing production, storage of food and products, and distribution or consumption of goods. The majority of the citizens in each ciudadela were artisans. In the late Chim̼u, about 12,000 artisans lived and worked in Chan Chan alone.[12] They engaged in fishing, agriculture, craft work, and trade. Artisans were forbidden to change their profession, and were grouped in the ciudadela according to their area of specialization. Archaeologists have noted a dramatic increase in Chim̼u craft production, and they believe that artisans may have been brought to Chan Chan from another area taken as a result of Chim̼u conquest.[12] As there is evidence of both metalwork and weaving in the same domestic unit, it is likely that both men and women were artisans.[12] They engaged in fishing, agriculture, and metallurgy, and made ceramics and textiles (from cotton, llama, alpaca, and vicunas wool). People used reed fishing canoes, hunted, and traded using bronze coins. Split Inheritance: The Chimu capital, Chan Chan, had a series of elite residential compounds or cuidadelas that were not occupied simultaneously, but sequentially. The reason for this is that Chimu ruler‰۪s practice split inheritance, which dictated that the heir to the throne had to build his own palace and after the death of a ruler; all the ruler's wealth would be distributed to more distant relatives. Textiles: Chim̼u mantle, Late Intermediate Period, 1000 - 1476 AD. Design is alternating pelicans and tuna. Spinning is the practice of combining a small set of threads to achieve a long and continuous thread with the use of an instrument called a spindle. The zone is an instrument made of a small wand that usually gets thinner at both ends; that was used alongside a tortera or piruro. The spindle is inserted into the bottom to make a counterweight. It starts spinning, taking the rueca (where the fiber was set to be spun). Fibers that are laid down in the zone are quickly turned between the thumb and index fingers and twisted to interlock the fibers, creating a long thread. After the desired lengths of threads are attained, the threads are intersected and woven in various combinations to make fabrics. The Chim̼u embellished their fabrics with brocades, embroidery, fabrics doubles, and painted fabrics. Sometimes textiles were adorned with feathers and gold or silver plates. Colored dyes were created from plants containing tannin, mole, or walnut; and minerals, such as clay, ferruginosa, or mordant aluminum; as well as animals, such as cochineal. The garments were made of the wool of four animals: the guanaco, llama, alpaca, and vicuna. The people also used varieties of cotton that grows naturally in seven different colors. The clothing consisted of the Chim̼u loincloth, sleeveless shirts with or without fringes, small ponchos, and tunics. The majority of Chim̼u textiles were made from alpaca wool.[12] Judging from he uniform spin direction, degree of the twist, and colors of the threads, all of the fibers were likely pre-spun and imported from a single location. Ceramics: Chim̼u ceramics were crafted for two functions: containers for daily domestic use and those made for ceremonial use for offerings at burials. Domestic pottery was developed without higher finishing, while funeral ceramics show more aesthetic refinement. The main features of Chim̼u ceramics were small sculptures, and manufacturing molded and shaped pottery for ceremonial or daily use. Ceramics were usually stained black, although there are some variations. Lighter ceramics were also produced in smaller quantities. The characteristic brightness was obtained by rubbing with a rock that previously had been polished. Many animals, fruits, characters, and mystical entities have been represented pictorially on Chim̼u ceramics. Metallurgy: Metalworking picked up quickly in the Late Chim̼u periods.[12] Some Chim̼u artisans worked in metal workshops divided into sections for each specialized treatment of metals: plating, gold, stamping, lost-wax, pearl, the watermark, and embossing wooden molds. These techniques produced large variety of objects, such as cups, knives, containers, figurines, bracelets, pins, crowns, etc. They used arsenic to harden the metals after they were cast. Large-scale smelting took place in a cluster of workshops at Cerro de los Cemetarios.[12] The process starts with ore extracted from mines or a river, which is heated to very high temperatures and then cooled. The result is a group of prills (small round sections of copper, for example) in a mass of slag (other materials which are not useful for metallurgy).[12] The prills are then extracted by crushing the slag, and then melted together to form ingots, which were fashioned into various items. Although copper is found naturally on the coast, it was mostly attained from the highlands in an area about 3 days away.[12] Since most of the copper was imported, it is likely that most of the metal objects that were made were likely very small. The pieces, such as wires, needles, digging stick points, tweezers, and personal ornaments, are consistently small, utilitarian objects of copper or copper bronze.[12] The Tumi is one well-known Chim̼u work. They also made beautiful ritual costumes of gold compounds with plume headdresses (also gold), earrings, necklaces, bracelets, and breastplates. Subsistence and Agriculture: The Chim̼u developed mainly through intensive farming techniques and hydraulic work, which joined valleys to form complexes, such as the Chicama-Moche complex, which was a combination of two valleys in La Libertad. The Lambayeque linked the valleys of La Leche, Lambayeque, Reque, and Sa̱a Jequetepeque. They developed an excellent agricultural techniques which expanded the strength of their cultivated areas. Huachaques were sunken farms where land was withdrawn to work the moist, sandy soil underneath, an example of which is Tschudi. The Chim̼u used walk-in wells, similar to those of the Nazca, to draw water, and reservoirs to contain the water from rivers. This system increased the productivity of the land, which increased Chim̼u wealth, and likely contributed to the formation of a bureaucratic system. The Chim̼u cultivated beans, sweet potato, papaya, and cotton with their reservoir and irrigation system. This focus on large-scale irrigation persisted until the Late Intermediate period. At this point, there was a shift to a more specialized system that focused on importing and redistributing resources from satellite communities.[14] There appears to have been a complex network of sites that provided goods and services for Chim̼u subsistence. Many of these sites produced commodities that the Chim̼u could not. Many sites relied on marine resources, but after the advent of agriculture, there were more sites further inland, where marine resources were harder to attain. Keeping llamas arose as a supplemental way of attaining meat, but by the Late Intermediate period and Late Horizon, inland sites used llamas as a main resource, although they maintained contact with coastal sites to use supplemental marine resources. Religion: Deities In Pacasmayo, the Moon (Si) was the greatest divinity. It was believed to be more powerful than the Sun, as it appeared by night and day, and it also controlled the weather and growth of crops. Sacrifices were made to the moon, and devotees sacrificed their own children on piles of colored cottons with offerings of fruit and chicha. They believed the sacrificed children would become deified and they were usually sacrificed around age five. "Animals and birds were also sacrificed to the Moon".[3] The Sun was associated with stones called alaec-pong (cacique stone). These stones were believed to be ancestors of the people in whose area they stood and sons of the Sun.[3] Several constellations were also viewed as important. Two of the stars of Orion's Belt were considered to be the emissaries of the Moon. The constellation Fur (the Pleiades) was used to calculate the year and was believed to watch over the crops.[3] "The Sea (Ni) was a very important divinity, and sacrifices of white maize flour, red ochra and other things were made to it, along with prayers for fish and protection against drowning." (50)[3]There were also local shrines in each district, which varied in importance. These shrines are also found in other parts of Peru. These shrines (called huacas) had a sacred object of worship (macyaec) with an associated legend and cult.[3] Mars (Nor), Sol (Jiang) and Earth (Ghisa) were also worshiped. Sacrifice: In 1997[1], members of an archaeological team discovered approximately 200 skeletal remains on the beach at Punta Lobos, Peru. The bodies had their hands bound behind their backs, their feet were bound together, they were blindfolded, and their throats had been slashed. Archaeologists suggest these fisherman may have been killed as a sign of gratitude to the sea god Ni after they conquered the fishermen's fertile seaside valley in 1350 A.D.[15] Tombs in the Huaca of the Moon belonged to six or seven teenagers from 13-14 years of age. Nine tombs were reported to belong to children. If this is indicative of human sacrifice, the Chim̼ offered children to their gods. Architecture: Differential architecture of palaces and monumental sites distinguished the rulers from the common people. At Chan Chan, there are 10 large, walled enclosures called ciudadelas,or royal compounds, thought to be associated with the kings of Chimor (Day 1973, 1982). They were surrounded by adobe walls 9 m high,[16] giving the ciudadela the appearance of a fortress. The bulk of the Chim̼u population (around 26,000 people) lived in barrios on the outer edge of the city.[12] They consisted of many single-family domestic spaces with a kitchen, work space, domestic animals, and storage area. Ciudadelas frequently have U-shaped rooms that consist of three walls, a raised floor, and frequently a courtyard,[17] and there were often as many as 15 in one palace.[8] In the early Chim̼u, the U-shaped areas were found in strategic places for controlling the flow of supplies from storerooms, but it is unlikely that they served as storage areas.[16] They are described as mnemonic devices for keeping track of the distribution of supplies.[17] Throughout time, the frequency of the U-shaped structures increases, and their distribution changes. They become more grouped, rather than dispersed, and occur further away from access routes to resources. The architecture of the rural sites also support the idea of a hierarchical social order. They have similar structural components, making them mini-ciudadelas with rural adapted administrative functions. Most of these sites have smaller walls, with many audiencias as the focal point of the structures. These would be used to restrict access to certain areas and are often found at strategic points.[10] Chan Chan shows a lack of a unifying plan or a discernible pattern. The urban core contains six principal classes of architecture:[18] 1. non-elite commoner dwellings and workshops spread throughout the city 2. intermediate architecture associated with Chan Chan's non-royal elites 3. ten ciudadelas, thought to be palaces of the Chim̼u kings 4. four waqas[18] 5. U-shaped structures called audiencias[9] 6. SIAR or small irregular agglutinated rooms, which probably served as the residences for the majority of the population[9] Technology: One of the earliest known examples of distance communication is a Chim̼u device consisting of two resin-coated gourds connected by a 75-foot length of twine. Only one example has been found, and nothing is known about its originator or use.[19] References 1. Chan Chan : Capital of Kingdom Chim̼u - UNESCO". Retrieved 29 March 2012. 2. Kubler, George. (1962). The Art and Architecture of Ancient America, Ringwood: Penguin Books Australia Ltd., pp. 247-274 3. Rowe, John H. (1948) "The kingdom of Chimor", Aus Acta Americana 6, (1-2): 27. 4. Ember, Melvin; Peregrine, Peter Neal, eds. (2001). "Chim̼u". Encyclopedia of Prehistory. 7 : South America (1 ed.). Springer. ISBN 978-0306462610. 5. Holstein, Otto. 1927. "Chan-chan: Capital of the great Chimu", Geographical Review 17, (1) (Jan.): 36-61. 6. Bennett, Wendell C. (1937). "Chimu archeology", The Scientific Monthly 45, (1) (Jul.): 35-48. 7. Mosely, Michael E. (1990). "Structure and history in the dynastic lore of Chimor", in The Northern Dynasties Kingship and Statecraft inchimor., eds. Maria Rostworowski and Michael E. Mosely. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1st ed., p. 548 8. Christie, J. J. & Sarro, P. J (Eds). (2006). Palaces and Power in the Americas. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press 9. Keatinge, Richard W., and Geoffrey W. Conrad. 1983. Imperialist expansion in Peruvian prehistory: Chimu administration of a conquered territory. Journal of Field Archaeology 10, (3) (autumn): 255-83. 10. Keatinge, Richard W. 1974. Chimu rural administrative centers in the Koche valley, Peru. World Archaeology 6, (1, Political Systems) (Jun.): 66-82. 11. Topic, J. R. (2003). "From stewards to bureaucrats: architecture and information flow at Chan Chan, Peru", Latin American Antiquity, 14, 243-274. 12. Moseley, M. E. & Cordy-Collins, A. (Ed.) (1990). The Northern Dynasties: Kingships and Statecraft in Chimor. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks. 13. "Chim̼u - Jar". The Walters Art Museum. 14. Mosely, Michael E., and Kent C. Day. 1982. Chan Chan: Andean desert city. 1st ed. United States of America: School of American Research. 15.Mass human sacrifice unearthed in Peru". Retrieved 2009-10-09. 16. Moore, Jerry D. 1992. Pattern and meaning in prehistoric Peruvian architecture: The architecture of social control in the Chim̼u state. Latin American Antiquity 3, (2) (Jun.): 95-113. 17. J. R. (2003). From stewards to bureaucrats: architecture and information flow at Chan Chan, Peru. Latin American Antiquity, 14, 243-274. 18. Moore, Jerry D. 1996. Architecture and power in the ancient andes: The archaeology of public buildings. Great Britain: Cambridge University Press 1996. 19. Baldwin, Neil. "Can You Hear Me Now?" Smithsonian, Dec 2013: 66-67. (Source: Wikipedia)Read more

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Pottery Jar : Native American Hopi Pottery Jar, signed by Jofer S. Puffer #130

Native American Hopi Pottery Jar 130. Description: Native American, Hopi Pottery Jar, 1980's 90's poly chrome geometric design signed Jofer Puffer. Minor paint loss on signature with dimensions of 7.5"x 9.5". A History of Pueblo Pottery: Pueblo pottery is made using a coiled technique that came into northern Arizona and New Mexico from the south, some 1500 years ago. In the four-corners region of the US, nineteen pueblos and villages have historically produced pottery. Although each of these pueblos use similar traditional methods of coiling, shaping, finishing and firing, the pottery from each is distinctive. Various clay's gathered from each pueblo's local sources produce pottery colors that range from buff to earthy yellows, oranges, and reds, as well as black. Fired pots are sometimes left plain and other times decorated most frequently with paint and occasionally with applique. Painted designs vary from pueblo to pueblo, yet share an ancient iconography based on abstract representations of clouds, rain, feathers, birds, plants, animals and other natural world features. Tempering materials and paints, also from natural sources, contribute further to the distinctiveness of each pueblo's pottery. Some paints are derived from plants, others from minerals. Before firing, potters in some pueblos apply a light colored slip to their pottery, which creates a bright background for painted designs or simply a lighter color plain ware vessel. Designs are painted on before firing, traditionally with a brush fashioned from yucca fiber. Different combinations of paint color, clay color, and slips are characteristic of different pueblos. Among them are black on cream, black on buff, black on red, dark brown and dark red on white (as found in Zuni pottery), matte red on red, and poly chrome a number of natural colors on one vessel (most typically associated with Hopi). Pueblo potters also produce un-decorated polished black ware, black on black ware, and carved red and carved black wares. Making pueblo pottery is a time-consuming effort that includes gathering and preparing the clay, building and shaping the coiled pot, gathering plants to make the colored dyes, constructing yucca brushes, and, often, making a clay slip. While some Pueblo artists fire in kilns, most still fire in the traditional way in an outside fire pit, covering their vessels with large potsherds and dried sheep dung. Pottery is left to bake for many hours, producing a high-fired result. Today, Pueblo potters continue to honor this centuries-old tradition of hand-coiled pottery production, yet value the need for contemporary artistic expression as well. They continue to improve their style, methods and designs, often combining traditional and contemporary techniques to create striking new works of art. (Source: Museum of Northern Arizona) ----------------View the other items in my shop: http://www.etsy.com/shop/CulturalPatina?ref=shopsection_shophome_leftnavRead more

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Pre Columbian : Pre-Columbian Chancay Pottery Llama, Ex Sackler Gallery #21

Pre Columbian 21. Pre-Columbian, Peru, ca. 1100 to 1300 CE. Pottery bottle in the form of a large rotund llama, tip of left ear broken off. Shown with mouth agape, standing on 4 sort legs. 9" h by 8" l. Provenance: Ex-Arthur Sackler Collection (known for his massive collection show-cased in Sackler wings at major museum galleries all over the US, acquired before 1990). All items are unconditionally guaranteed to be Authentic as described. For added security we offer a full money-back guarantee if a recognized authority disputes the authenticity of any object sold. History: Not much is known about the Chancay civilization which developed in the later part of the Inca empire. This culture emerged after the fall of the Wari civilization. Parts of the southern Chancay area were conquered by the Chim̼u in the early fifteenth century and in about 1450 A.D. the Incas were occupying both areas.[1] It is believed that the Chancay had a centralized political structure, forming a small regional state.[3] Thus the Chancay culture declined in the fifteenth century to make way for the territorial expansion of the Inca Empire. Occupying the central coast coastal region of Peru, the Chancay were centered mostly in the Chancay and ChillÌ_n valleys, although they also occupied other areas such as the Rimac and Lurin valley areas.[2] The center of the Chancay culture was located 80 kilometers north of Lima. It is a desert region but has fertile valleys bathed by rivers and is rich in resources that allowed for, among other things, extensive agricultural development. The Chancay developed intense trade relations with other regions, allowing them to interract with other cultures and settlements in a wide area. Economy: The Chancay culture based its economy on agriculture, fishing and trade. Water reservoirs and irrigation canals were built by engineers in order to develop agriculture. As the culture was geographically located on the oceanfront, they were involved in traditional fishing both from the shore as well as further out to sea from their caballitos de totora, an ancient type of watercraft unique to Peru. The Chancay also traded with other regions either by land towards the Peruvian highlands and jungle or by sea to the north and south of their borders. The settlements in Lauri, Lumbra, Tambo Blanco, Handrail, Pisquillo Chico and Tronconal focused mainly on artisans producing large-scale ceramics and textiles. The Chancay culture is the first of the Peruvian cultures that had mass production of ceramics, textiles and metals such as gold and silver which were ritualistic and domestic goods. They were also noted for their wood carved items.[1] The curacas, political leaders, regulated the production of artisans, farmers and ranchers as well as oversaw festive activities. Textiles: The most well-known Chancay artefacts are the textiles which ranged from embroidered pieces, different types of fabrics decorated with paint. A variety of techniques, colours and themes were used in the making of textiles.[2] They used an array of colours including yellows, browns, scarlet, white, blues and greens.[1] types of fabric used included: llama wool, cotton, chiffon and feathers.[2] Their technique involved were decorated open weave, brocade, embroidery, and painting.[2] Brushes were used to paint anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, geometric and other creative designs directly on the canvases. The Chancay are known for the quality of their painted tapestries. The typically geometric designs also included drawings of plants, animals such as fish, cats, birds, monkeys and dogs (most notably the hairless Peruvian dog[4]) as well as human figures.[3] Birds and deities wearing crescent-like headdresses were one of the more common decorative features.[1] They produced a variety of goods such as clothing, bags, and funeral masks.[2] Many Chancay textiles survive to date. It is believed that their production was quite extensive, due to the quantities that have been preserved. The quality of the textile material appears to be good as they were carefully made.[1] Canvases or gauzes were used primarily for religious and magical purposes. They were made for covering the head of the dead in the form of a headdresses. According to the beliefs of the time, the threads on these fabrics had to be spun in the form of an "S" in an anticlockwise direction. This thread, which had a magical character, was called lloque and, according to legend, the garments were infused with supernatural powers and served as protection in the afterlife. Feathers were inserted into a main thread which was then sewn onto the fabric. The Chancay also manufactured dolls and other objects covered with pieces of woven fabric and various threads. Ceramics: Ceramics are also a very common feature of the Chancay culture. This pottery has been found mainly in the cemeteries of the Ancon and Chancay valleys. The Chancay civilization produced ceramics on a large scale using moulds. However, open vessels with more than 400 different types of drawings that have yet to be decrypted, uniquely created by artisans, have been found. The technique used in creating ceramics was with a rough matt surface that was later painted with a dark colour, usually black or brown, on top of a lighter cream or white background. this dark on light characteristic is known as black on white. Vessels are often large and quaintly shaped. Egg-shaped jars are some of the more common. Ceramic dolls or female figurines were also created. These were usually large, female-looking dolls made from clay. The faces and sometimes the upper sections of the body are covered with ornaments of different geometric shapes.[1] The eyes were accentuated with a line on each side and the arms were usually short.[3] These geometric ornamentations are very common on Chancay ceramics.[1] Other common ceramic vessels were oblong jars with narrow necks and wide mouths, with designs in the form of human faces and geometric shapes painted in the black on cream technique. Other common animal shapes are birds or llamas.[3] There were also miniature sized idols called cuchimilcos which were anthropomorphic shapes representative of human figures, having prominent jaws and eyes painted in black. These cuchimilcos figures usually had their arms extended as if they were ready to fly or inviting a hug. It is believed that they were used to turn away bad energies. This is perhaps why they have been mostly found in the tombs of the Chancay nobility. Woodwork: The wood carvings done by the Chancay are characterized by their simplicity, sobriety[2] and use of shapes from nature, quite opposed to the sophistication of their textile art. From wood they produced implements of daily use, statues and items for decoration, some of which they painted.[2] Using the wood from their coastal desert the Chancay carved large and small objects, finely engraved with motifs reflecting the marine environment, such as seabirds and boats. They also manufactured tools for use in the textile work, in farming and fishing operations, as well as a variety of objects for worship and to distinguish the social status of the populace. Human heads carved in wood were common. They were used to crown the mummies of important dignitaries, as a mark of their status as deity or mythical ancestor, which they acquired after death. The human images in wood could also be indicators of political power, especially when they were carved into sticks or batons of command. Architecture and social organization: With respect to architecture, this civilization is noted for creating large urban centres with pyramid-shaped mounds and complex buildings. It was organized by different types of settlements or ayllus and controlled by leaders or curacas. The urban centres had typical constructions for civic-religious purposes which also included residential palaces. These urban centers were quite large, perhaps due to the mass production of goods.[2] Their culture was marked by social stratification, which was also present in the small towns. The constructions were mostly made of adobe bricks, were organized in clusters and were also similarly designed according to a specific pattern. Sometimes the most prominent constructions were mixed or combined with stones. Its inhabitants were settled based on their trade so that they could massify the production of goods. Access to the pyramids was through ramps, i.e. from top to bottom. Their hydraulic engineering works such as reservoirs and irrigation canals were also of great notoriety.[2] (Source: Wikipedia) References 1 "The Chancay Culture". Retrieved 18 February 2013. 2. "Central Andes". Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino. Retrieved 18 February 2013. 3. "Featured Artifacts: Chancay Culture, AD 1000-1400". SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. Retrieved 18 February 2013. 4. "Per̼ celebra 24 a̱os de reconocimiento mundial a perro sin pelo". El Universal. 14 June 2009. Retrieved 19 February 2013. 5. WikipediaRead more

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Pre Columbian Pottery : Very Nice Pre-Columbian Chimu Spout Vessel #367

Pre Columbian Pottery 367.Description: Pre-Columbian Chimu Spout Vessel. Dimensions are 7" tall x 4." Wide. Very nice condition and nice patina for its age. All items are unconditionally guaranteed to be Authentic as described. For added security we offer a full money-back guarantee if a recognized authority disputes the authenticity of any object sold. The Chim̼u were the residents of Chimor, with its capital at the city of Chan Chan, a large adobe city in the Moche Valley of present-day Trujillo city. The culture arose about 900 AD. The Inca ruler Tupac Inca Yupanqui led a campaign which conquered the Chim̼u around 1470 AD.[2] This was just fifty years before the arrival of the Spanish in the region. Consequently, Spanish chroniclers were able to record accounts of Chim̼u culture from individuals who had lived before the Inca conquest. Similarly, Archaeological evidence suggest Chimor grew out of the remnants of Moche culture; early Chim̼u pottery had some resemblance to that of the Moche. Their ceramics are all black, and their work in precious metals is very detailed and intricate. The Chim̼u resided on the north coast of Peru: "It consists of a narrow strip of desert, 20 to 100 miles wide, between the Pacific and the western slopes of the Andes, crossed here and there by short rivers which start in the rainier mountains and provide a series of green and fertile oases." [3] The valley plains are very flat and well-suited to irrigation, which is probably as old as agriculture here. Fishing was also very important and was almost considered as important as agriculture.[3] The Chim̼u were known to have worshiped the moon, unlike the Inca, who worshiped the sun. The Chimu viewed the sun as a destroyer. This is likely due to the harshness of the sun in their desert environment. Offerings played an important role in religious rites. A common object for offerings, as well as one used by artisans, was the shell of the Spondylus shellfish, which live only in the warm coastal waters off present-day Ecuador. It was associated with the sea, rainfall, and fertility. Spondylus shells were also highly valued and traded by the Chim̼u.[4] The Chim̼u are best known for their distinctive monochromatic pottery and fine metal working of copper, gold, silver, bronze, and tumbaga (copper and gold). The pottery is often in the shape of a creature, or has a human figure sitting or standing on a cuboid bottle. The shiny black finish of most Chim̼u pottery was achieved by firing the pottery at high temperatures in a closed kiln, which prevented oxygen from reacting with the clay. Early Chim̼u (Moche Civilization): The oldest civilization present on the north coast of Peru is Early Chim̼. Early Chim̼u is also known as the Moche or Mochica civilization. The start of this Early Chim̼u time period is not known (although it was BC), but it ends around 500 A.D. It was centered in the Chicama, Moche, and Viru valleys. "Many large pyramids are attributed to the Early Chim̼u period." (37)[5] These pyramids are built of adobe in rectangular shapes made from molds. "Early Chim̼u cemeteries are also found without pyramid associations. Burials are usually in extended positions, in prepared tombs. The rectangular, adobe-lined and covered tombs have niches in their walls in which bowls were placed." (39)[5] The Early pottery is also characterized by realistic modeling and painted scenes.[5] Expansion and rule: Expansion: The mature Chim̼u culture developed in roughly the same territory where the Mochica had existed centuries before. The Chim̼u was also a coastal culture. It was developed in the Moche Valley south of present-day Lima, northeast of Huarmey, and finishing in central present-day Trujillo. Later it expanded to Arequipa. The Chim̼u appeared in the year 900 A.D: "The City of Chimor was at the great site now called Chanchan, between Trujilo and the sea, and we may assume that Taycanamo founded his kingdom there. His son, Guacri-caur, conquered the lower part of the valley and was succeeded by a son named Nancen-pinco who really laid the foundations of the Kingdom by conquering the head of the valley of Chimor and the neighboring valleys of Sana, Pacasmayo, Chicama, Viru, Chao and Santa." (39)[3] The estimated founding date of the Chim̼u Kingdom is in the first half of the 14th century. Nacen-pinco was believed to have ruled around 1370 CE and was followed by seven rulers whose names are not yet known. Minchancaman followed these rulers, and was ruling around the time of the Inca conquest (between 1462 and 1470).[3] This great expansion is believed to have occurred during the late period of Chim̼u civilization, called: Late Chim̼u,[6] but the development of the Chim̼ territory spanned a number of phases and more than a single generation. Nacen-pinco, "may have pushed the imperial frontiers to Jequetepeque and to Santa, but conquest of the entire region was an agglutinative process initiated by earlier rulers." (17)[7] The Chim̼u expanded to include a vast area and many different ethnic groups. At its peak, the Chim̼u advanced to the limits of the desert coast, to the Jequetepeque Valley in the north, and Carabayallo in the south. Their expansion southward was stopped by the military power of the great valley of Lima. Historians and archaeologists contest how far south they managed to expand.[3] Rule: The Chim̼u society was a four-level hierarchical system,[8] with a powerful elite rule over administrative centers. The hierarchy was centered at the walled cities, called ciudadelas, at Chan Chan.[9] The political power at Chan Chan is demonstrated by the organization of labor to construct the Chim̼u's canals and irrigated fields. Chan Chan was the top of the Chimu hierarchy, with FarfÌÁn in the Jequetepeque Valley as a subordinate.[8] This organization, which was quickly established during the conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley, suggests the Chim̼u established the hierarchy during the early stages of their expansion. The existing elite at peripheral locations, such as the Jequetepeque Valley and other centers of power, were incorporated into the Chim̼u government on lower levels of the hierarchy.[9] These lower-order centers managed land, water, and labor, while the higher-order centers either moved the resources to Chan Chan or carried out other administrative decisions.[9] Rural sites were used as engineering headquarters, while the canals were being built; later they operated as maintenance sites.[10] The numerous broken bowls found at Quebrada Del Oso support this theory, as the bowls were probably used to feed the large workforce that built and maintained that section of canal. The workers were probably fed and housed at state expense.[10] The state governed such social classes until imperial Sican conquered the kingdom of Lambayeque. The legends of war were said to have been told by the leaders Naylamp in the Sican language and Tacayanamo in Chim̼u. The people paid tribute to the rulers with products or labor. By 1470, the Incas from Cuzco defeated the Chim̼u. They moved Minchancaman to Cuzco, and redirected gold and silver there to adorn the Temple of the Sun. Economy: Chan Chan could be said to have developed a bureaucracy due to the elite's controlled access to information.[11] The economic and social system operated through the import of raw materials, where they were processed into prestige goods by artisans at Chan Chan.[8] The elite at Chan Chan made the decisions on most other matters concerning organization, monopolizing production, storage of food and products, and distribution or consumption of goods. The majority of the citizens in each ciudadela were artisans. In the late Chim̼u, about 12,000 artisans lived and worked in Chan Chan alone.[12] They engaged in fishing, agriculture, craft work, and trade. Artisans were forbidden to change their profession, and were grouped in the ciudadela according to their area of specialization. Archaeologists have noted a dramatic increase in Chim̼u craft production, and they believe that artisans may have been brought to Chan Chan from another area taken as a result of Chim̼u conquest.[12] As there is evidence of both metalwork and weaving in the same domestic unit, it is likely that both men and women were artisans.[12] They engaged in fishing, agriculture, and metallurgy, and made ceramics and textiles (from cotton, llama, alpaca, and vicunas wool). People used reed fishing canoes, hunted, and traded using bronze coins. Split Inheritance: The Chimu capital, Chan Chan, had a series of elite residential compounds or cuidadelas that were not occupied simultaneously, but sequentially. The reason for this is that Chimu ruler‰۪s practice split inheritance, which dictated that the heir to the throne had to build his own palace and after the death of a ruler; all the ruler's wealth would be distributed to more distant relatives. Textiles: Chim̼u mantle, Late Intermediate Period, 1000 - 1476 AD. Design is alternating pelicans and tuna. Spinning is the practice of combining a small set of threads to achieve a long and continuous thread with the use of an instrument called a spindle. The zone is an instrument made of a small wand that usually gets thinner at both ends; that was used alongside a tortera or piruro. The spindle is inserted into the bottom to make a counterweight. It starts spinning, taking the rueca (where the fiber was set to be spun). Fibers that are laid down in the zone are quickly turned between the thumb and index fingers and twisted to interlock the fibers, creating a long thread. After the desired lengths of threads are attained, the threads are intersected and woven in various combinations to make fabrics. The Chim̼u embellished their fabrics with brocades, embroidery, fabrics doubles, and painted fabrics. Sometimes textiles were adorned with feathers and gold or silver plates. Colored dyes were created from plants containing tannin, mole, or walnut; and minerals, such as clay, ferruginosa, or mordant aluminum; as well as animals, such as cochineal. The garments were made of the wool of four animals: the guanaco, llama, alpaca, and vicuna. The people also used varieties of cotton that grows naturally in seven different colors. The clothing consisted of the Chim̼u loincloth, sleeveless shirts with or without fringes, small ponchos, and tunics. The majority of Chim̼u textiles were made from alpaca wool.[12] Judging from he uniform spin direction, degree of the twist, and colors of the threads, all of the fibers were likely pre-spun and imported from a single location. Ceramics: Chim̼u ceramics were crafted for two functions: containers for daily domestic use and those made for ceremonial use for offerings at burials. Domestic pottery was developed without higher finishing, while funeral ceramics show more aesthetic refinement. The main features of Chim̼u ceramics were small sculptures, and manufacturing molded and shaped pottery for ceremonial or daily use. Ceramics were usually stained black, although there are some variations. Lighter ceramics were also produced in smaller quantities. The characteristic brightness was obtained by rubbing with a rock that previously had been polished. Many animals, fruits, characters, and mystical entities have been represented pictorially on Chim̼u ceramics. Metallurgy: Metalworking picked up quickly in the Late Chim̼u periods.[12] Some Chim̼u artisans worked in metal workshops divided into sections for each specialized treatment of metals: plating, gold, stamping, lost-wax, pearl, the watermark, and embossing wooden molds. These techniques produced large variety of objects, such as cups, knives, containers, figurines, bracelets, pins, crowns, etc. They used arsenic to harden the metals after they were cast. Large-scale smelting took place in a cluster of workshops at Cerro de los Cemetarios.[12] The process starts with ore extracted from mines or a river, which is heated to very high temperatures and then cooled. The result is a group of prills (small round sections of copper, for example) in a mass of slag (other materials which are not useful for metallurgy).[12] The prills are then extracted by crushing the slag, and then melted together to form ingots, which were fashioned into various items. Although copper is found naturally on the coast, it was mostly attained from the highlands in an area about 3 days away.[12] Since most of the copper was imported, it is likely that most of the metal objects that were made were likely very small. The pieces, such as wires, needles, digging stick points, tweezers, and personal ornaments, are consistently small, utilitarian objects of copper or copper bronze.[12] The Tumi is one well-known Chim̼u work. They also made beautiful ritual costumes of gold compounds with plume headdresses (also gold), earrings, necklaces, bracelets, and breastplates. Subsistence and Agriculture: The Chim̼u developed mainly through intensive farming techniques and hydraulic work, which joined valleys to form complexes, such as the Chicama-Moche complex, which was a combination of two valleys in La Libertad. The Lambayeque linked the valleys of La Leche, Lambayeque, Reque, and Sa̱a Jequetepeque. They developed an excellent agricultural techniques which expanded the strength of their cultivated areas. Huachaques were sunken farms where land was withdrawn to work the moist, sandy soil underneath, an example of which is Tschudi. The Chim̼u used walk-in wells, similar to those of the Nazca, to draw water, and reservoirs to contain the water from rivers. This system increased the productivity of the land, which increased Chim̼u wealth, and likely contributed to the formation of a bureaucratic system. The Chim̼u cultivated beans, sweet potato, papaya, and cotton with their reservoir and irrigation system. This focus on large-scale irrigation persisted until the Late Intermediate period. At this point, there was a shift to a more specialized system that focused on importing and redistributing resources from satellite communities.[14] There appears to have been a complex network of sites that provided goods and services for Chim̼u subsistence. Many of these sites produced commodities that the Chim̼u could not. Many sites relied on marine resources, but after the advent of agriculture, there were more sites further inland, where marine resources were harder to attain. Keeping llamas arose as a supplemental way of attaining meat, but by the Late Intermediate period and Late Horizon, inland sites used llamas as a main resource, although they maintained contact with coastal sites to use supplemental marine resources. Religion: Deities In Pacasmayo, the Moon (Si) was the greatest divinity. It was believed to be more powerful than the Sun, as it appeared by night and day, and it also controlled the weather and growth of crops. Sacrifices were made to the moon, and devotees sacrificed their own children on piles of colored cottons with offerings of fruit and chicha. They believed the sacrificed children would become deified and they were usually sacrificed around age five. "Animals and birds were also sacrificed to the Moon".[3] The Sun was associated with stones called alaec-pong (cacique stone). These stones were believed to be ancestors of the people in whose area they stood and sons of the Sun.[3] Several constellations were also viewed as important. Two of the stars of Orion's Belt were considered to be the emissaries of the Moon. The constellation Fur (the Pleiades) was used to calculate the year and was believed to watch over the crops.[3] "The Sea (Ni) was a very important divinity, and sacrifices of white maize flour, red ochre and other things were made to it, along with prayers for fish and protection against drowning." (50)[3] There were also local shrines in each district, which varied in importance. These shrines are also found in other parts of Peru. These shrines (called huacas) had a sacred object of worship (macyaec) with an associated legend and cult.[3] Mars (Nor), Sol (Jiang) and Earth (Ghisa) were also worshiped. Sacrifice: In 1997[1], members of an archaeological team discovered approximately 200 skeletal remains on the beach at Punta Lobos, Peru. The bodies had their hands bound behind their backs, their feet were bound together, they were blindfolded, and their throats had been slashed. Archaeologists suggest these fisherman may have been killed as a sign of gratitude to the sea god Ni after they conquered the fishermen's fertile seaside valley in 1350 A.D.[15] Tombs in the Huaca of the Moon belonged to six or seven teenagers from 13-14 years of age. Nine tombs were reported to belong to children. If this is indicative of human sacrifice, the Chim̼u offered children to their gods. Architecture: Differential architecture of palaces and monumental sites distinguished the rulers from the common people. At Chan Chan, there are 10 large, walled enclosures called ciudadelas,or royal compounds, thought to be associated with the kings of Chimor(Day 1973, 1982). They were surrounded by adobe walls 9m high,[16] giving the ciudadela the appearance of a fortress. The bulk of the Chim̼u population (around 26,000 people) lived in barrios on the outer edge of the city.[12] They consisted of many single-family domestic spaces with a kitchen, work space, domestic animals, and storage area. Ciudadelas frequently have U-shaped rooms that consist of three walls, a raised floor, and frequently a courtyard,[17] and there were often as many as 15 in one palace.[8] In the early Chim̼u, the U-shaped areas were found in strategic places for controlling the flow of supplies from storerooms, but it is unlikely that they served as storage areas.[16] They are described as mnemonic devices for keeping track of the distribution of supplies.[17] Throughout time, the frequency of the U-shaped structures increases, and their distribution changes. They become more grouped, rather than dispersed, and occur further away from access routes to resources. The architecture of the rural sites also support the idea of a hierarchical social order. They have similar structural components, making them mini-ciudadelas with rural adapted administrative functions. Most of these sites have smaller walls, with many audiencias as the focal point of the structures. These would be used to restrict access to certain areas and are often found at strategic points.[10] Chan Chan shows a lack of a unifying plan or a discernible pattern. The urban core contains six principal classes of architecture:[18] 1. non-elite commoner dwellings and workshops spread throughout the city 2. intermediate architecture associated with Chan Chan's non-royal elites 3. ten ciudadelas, thought to be palaces of the Chim̼u kings 4. four waqas[18] 5. U-shaped structures called audiencias[9] 6. SIAR or small irregular agglutinated rooms, which probably served as the residences for the majority of the population[9] Technology: One of the earliest known examples of distance communication is a Chim̼ device consisting of two resin-coated gourds connected by a 75-foot length of twine. Only one example has been found, and nothing is known about its originator or use.[19] References 1. "Chan Chan : Capital of Kingdom Chim̼u - UNESCO". Retrieved 29 March 2012. 2. Kubler, George. (1962). The Art and Architecture of Ancient America, Ringwood: Penguin Books Australia Ltd., pp. 247-274 3. Rowe, John H. (1948) "The kingdom of Chimor", Aus Acta Americana 6, (1-2): 27. 4. Ember, Melvin; Peregrine, Peter Neal, eds. (2001). "Chim̼u". Encyclopedia of Prehistory. 7 : South America (1 ed.). Springer. ISBN 978-0306462610. 5. Holstein, Otto. 1927. "Chan-chan: Capital of the great Chimu", Geographical Review 17, (1) (Jan.): 36-61. 6. Bennett, Wendell C. (1937). "Chimu archeology", The Scientific Monthly 45, (1) (Jul.): 35-48. 7. Mosely, Michael E. (1990). "Structure and history in the dynastic lore of Chimor", in The Northern Dynasties Kingship and Statecraft inchimor., eds. Maria Rostworowski and Michael E. Mosely. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1st ed., p. 548 8. Christie, J. J. & Sarro, P. J (Eds). (2006). Palaces and Power in the Americas. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press 9. Keatinge, Richard W., and Geoffrey W. Conrad. 1983. Imperialist expansion in Peruvian prehistory: Chimu administration of a conquered territory. Journal of Field Archaeology 10, (3) (autumn): 255-83. 10. Keatinge, Richard W. 1974. Chimu rural administrative centers in the Koche valley, Peru. World Archaeology 6, (1, Political Systems) (Jun.): 66-82. 11. Topic, J. R. (2003). "From stewards to bureaucrats: architecture and information flow at Chan Chan, Peru", Latin American Antiquity, 14, 243-274. 12. Moseley, M. E. & Cordy-Collins, A. (Ed.) (1990). The Northern Dynasties: Kingships and Statecraft in Chimor. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks. 13. Chim̼u - Jar". The Walters Art Museum. 14. Mosely, Michael E., and Kent C. Day. 1982. Chan Chan: Andean desert city. 1st ed. United States of America: School of American Research. 15. "Mass human sacrifice unearthed in Peru". Retrieved 2009-10-09. 16. Moore, Jerry D. 1992. Pattern and meaning in prehistoric Peruvian architecture: The architecture of social control in the Chim̼u state. Latin American Antiquity 3, (2) (Jun.): 95-113. 17. Topic, J. R. (2003). From stewards to bureaucrats: architecture and information flow at Chan Chan, Peru. Latin American Antiquity, 14, 243-274. 18. Moore, Jerry D. 1996. Architecture and power in the ancient Andes: The archaeology of public buildings. Great Britain: Cambridge University Press 1996. 19. Baldwin, Neil. "Can You Hear Me Now?" Smithsonian, Dec 2013: 66-67. (Source: Wikipedia)Read more

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Bronze Sculpture, "Global Tree of Life" by Lincoln Fox (1942-), #5 of 5 (10) 1994, #853

Bronze Sculpture, "Tree of Life, By Lincoln Fox, 1994853. Description; Bronze sculpture entitled "Global Tree of Life" by Lincoln Fox ( 1942-), 1994. This is edition #5 of 5 (out of an original planned 10) maquettes of the "Global Family Tree of Life" Lincoln made these in preparation for the 32 Foot Global Family "Tree of Life" displayed, at the 1994 International Park in Nagoya, Japan. These initial studies were primarily made for several dignitaries associated with the project. One was originally given to the Queen of Jordon, another to Dr. Brown of the UNEP, Two currently reside with Culturalpatina, and the 5th is unaccounted for. The last 5 were never cast. Dimensions: The materials are cast bronze using the lost wax method, mounted on polished cut granite and routed oak along the bottom. 21-3/4" H x 17-3/4" W x 17-1/2" D. The overall weight of approximately 60 pounds. Condition: Excellent condition considering the age of the piece. ----------Lincoln sent me a letter on the " Global Tree of Life" and I thought it was important for folks who might be interested in this piece to have. I had tears in my eyes by the time I finished reading this letter. "Since the beginnings of time, man has revered the tree as a universal metaphor of life. Tree imagery flows throughout legends and myths of every culture and many religions. The tree of Life was chosen as the symbol of the UNEP, because it represents the lungs of our planet and gives us the breath of life. Our tree icon symbolizes the nurturing aspects of life so beautifully exemplified in living trees. The emotions invoked are of gentle respect for the earth and the family of man. Each continent shows the various races populating it. The faces selected will express our beautiful uniqueness and unity, with special attention to indigenous peoples. The open ocean spaces between the continents allow visitors to enter the earth's interior. Mythological etchings and icons from many cultural and historical periods-from the cave man to the foot print of the first man on the moon-will be inside the continents. The chamber will honor the highest aspirations of man. Earth mothers representing our four primary races are seated where earth meets sky. As the tree trunk rises from the earth, stylized human figures spiral upward reaching the heavens. Our greatest desire, is for our viewers, thinking on this tree to see we are intimately and inseparably connected with the fabric of nature and that WHEN ANY ONE MAN, ANIMAL OR TREE IS HARMED, ALL MEN SUFFER.Lincoln FoxSculptor, Tree of Life Foundation"-------------- Biography from the Archives of askART: A sculptor in traditional style of Indian figures, Lincoln Fox combines his interest in Indian culture with his belief in the sacredness of the spirits of human beings. His subjects include Shaman with Bear skull Headdress, Shaman with Owl, Bird Vision, and Hopi Snake Priest. One of his largest pieces is The Dream of Flight, 14-feet long and cantilevered 30 degrees so that it appears to fly above the ground at the Albuquerque, New Mexico Airport.Fox was born in Morrilton, Arkansas, and settled in 1971 in Alto, New Mexico. As a youngster, he was disinterested in school, but did well once he began studying art in college. He focused on studying works of famous sculptors that he admired. In 1966, he earned a BFA from the University of Texas at Austin, studying with Charles Umlaf. He then studied with Heri Barscht at the University of Dallas, earning an MA degree, and in 1968, he received an MFA from the University of Kansas at Lawrence, where Elden Teftt was his teacher. He found that once he added an element of distortion to the figures he depicted that he had arrived at the method and style most satisfactory to him. "Exaggeration and distortion make the art exciting. After that discovery, I had twice as much fun. I let things happen". (Samuels 192).Biography from The Adobe Fine Art: After living in New Mexico for over twenty years, Lincoln and his wife, Rachelle, moved to the Western Slope of Colorado in 1990. Orchards, vineyards and ranches surround his studio, in a valley of snow-capped mountains. The area's beauty and tranquility provide inspiration for his creativity.Lincoln holds two master's degrees, and continues private studies in Europe, the Mediterranean, the Mid-East, and Africa.He has been honored with one-man shows at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C., the Kennedy Galleries in New York City, and many museums and galleries across the nation. Lincoln has been a member of the National Sculpture Society in New York since 1982.Some of his sculpture commissions include a 17' piece for the Albuquerque International Airport; an 18' piece for the Fine Arts Museum of Albuquerque; a 23' piece for a university in Texas; and a 14' piece near Montgomery, Alabama, dedicated by President George Bush.The Global Family Tree of Life, sanctioned by the United Nations (U.N.E.P.), is four stories tall. The Japanese prefecture of Aishi commissioned a 32-foot study, cast in metal-reinforced F.R.P. to be shown at their International Park Festival, held in Nagoya, Japan.Lincoln's powerful modeling reveals the "breath of life" in his work.Sources include:Who's Who in American Art, 2003-2004Peggy and Harold Samuels, Contemporary Western ArtistsDonald Martin Reynolds, Masters of American SculptureRead more

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